Thursday, June 29, 2023

The Present State of Canada

This article published in the Virginia Quarterly Review was request by VQR’s editor, the late Staige Blockford who took an interest in Canada. Americans pay little attention to Canada, which is not a trouble-spot, and which they consider a small version of the United States. So it was startling to discover that north of the border, the Americans might be faced with a failed state. One American political scientist commented in a conversation to me that a similar referendum in the United States would be treasonable under the constitution. The United States has had enough trouble with secession.


The night of Oct. 30, 1995, was one of high drama across Canada. The referendum on Quebec secession that day attracted an enormous voter turnout in the province. Ninety-three per cent of eligible Quebec voters cast their ballots. The question which was put to them laid stress on a new political and economic association with the other nine provinces of Canada, which, it was assumed, would continue to be bound by the Canadian Constitution; outright secession would result only if no new agreement could be reached. The wording was not the first choice of Quebec premier Jacques Parizeau. The likelihood of Quebec ever reaching a satisfactory new agreement with the rest of Canada was slight, and Parizeau knew it. Even if some agreement were patched together, it would be unlikely to last long. But the polls had shown that Parizeau’s hardline was not winning over undecided voters, and on Saturday, October 7, Lucien Bouchard, leader of the Bloc Québécois in the federal Parliament, took over the leadership of the “Yes” campaign. The separatist strategy shifted; now the vote was to be for a new economic and political partnership which the rest of Canada would be forced to accept under pressure from international financiers.


After the referendum was over, a news story in the Toronto Globe and Mail revealed that the Parti Québécois government of Quebec was ready for action after a victory by even the slightest margin. The Quebec National Assembly would reconvene within the week to acknowledge the referendum result formally and request immediate negotiations with the federal government. The provincial Minister of International Affairs, Bernard Landry, had already sent letters to foreign embassies in Ottawa asking for swift recognition by their countries, and a press release on Bouchard’s letterhead invited Quebeckers serving in the Canadian army to join a new armed force which Quebec would set up directly after a “Yes” victory. France was expected to adopt a resolution congratulating Quebeckers on their decision and to include an offer of support. The French move should, in turn, arouse anxiety in Washington which would press Ottawa to begin negotiations leading to secession. According to this scenario, the United States would be among the first to recognize an independent Quebec.


As for the federalists, it was abundantly clear that they had no strategy in case they failed to win. The prime minister of Canada, Jean Chretien, was a Quebecker; in fact, since 1968, the federal government has been dominated by Quebeckers, first Pierre Trudeau, then Brian Mulroney, and now Chretien. There was no one in Ottawa who could speak for what used to be called English Canada, but might better now be labelled “multicultural Canada.” The premiers of the other nine provinces remained on the sidelines, except to growl now and then that they would never agree to the “sovereignty-association” which the separatists were peddling. Initially, the federalists were confident. The polls showed that Parizeau was not winning over a majority of Quebec voters. Then, about the time Lucien Bouchard took over the “Yes” campaign, separatist support began to grow until the polls showed the two sides neck-and-neck. The federalists showed signs of panic. There was high anxiety in Ottawa on the night of October 30.


The first returns showed the separatists well in the lead. The results coming in from the areas where the population was almost entirely French-speaking showed substantial majorities for the “Yes” side. These were the “pure wool” French, the pure laine, most of them descendants of the 60 thousand or so French who were in Quebec in 1760, when the Marquis de Vaudreuil agreed to the Capitulations of Montreal with Lord Jeffery Amherst, and surrendered New France. The separatists were jubilant. An elated Parizeau gave an interview to the French-language TVA network, in which he revealed that after a victory, he intended to resign and allow someone else, who would not necessarily be Lucien Bouchard, take over the task of building an independent Quebec. A woman, perhaps? Then the results began to come in from the Montreal area where the English and ethnic vote was concentrated. The “No” side edged upward, over 50 per cent. The final margin of victory was 53,498 votes. The television cameras picked up the disappointment and anger of the separatists. A bitter Jacques Parizeau went before the microphones and burst out that his side had been defeated by money and the ethnic vote.


There had always been racist undertones to the separatist cause. Quebec independence was a dream which only a “pure wool” Quebecker could fully understand. An immigrant from Haiti, Greece, or Lebanon, or even the United Kingdom, might be not unsympathetic, but the Heavenly City of the Quebecois de souche— the “Old Stock”—relegated them to the sidelines. Quebec separatism had more in common with the racial nationalisms of Serbia or Croatia than with the ethnicities of a modern multicultural state. The subtext of the platform of the Parti Quebecois, or pequistes, as the French-language media dubbed them, was not only fear of assimilation by Anglo-American culture; it was apprehension about the tidal wave of new immigrants to Canada. The “Old-Stock” Quebeckers had protected themselves in the past with one of the highest birth-rates in the world. But in the last two decades, the French-Canadian birth-rate sank to one of the lowest in the world. At one point in the referendum campaign, Lucien Bouchard mused aloud about the low birthrate of the “white race,” and the “No” side tried without much success, to paint him as a racist. Bouchard was merely voicing an apprehension felt by most of the “pure wool” Quebeckers. There is a demographic time-bomb ticking for the Quebecois de souche, and it could sink the dream of a French state within, or without union of some sort with the rest of Canada.


The separatists were prepared for a large ethnic “No” vote. The Parti Quebecois appointed scrutineers at all the polling stations, and in ridings where there was a large ethnic population, they were particularly vigilant. Ballots which were improperly marked were rejected even when the intention of the voter was clear. The number of spoiled ballots which were rejected overall was 1.8 per cent, but in three Montreal-area ridings it was much higher: in one, an incredible 11.7 per cent were rejected. The vast majority of the rejected ballots were “No” votes: after the referendum, the Quebec Liberal party collected more than 20 affidavits stating that far more would have been rejected if the polling clerks had not put up a fight. The margin of victory for federalism might have been higher by at least one percentile if the spoiled ballots had been counted. But that is cold comfort for the federalists.


The day after the referendum, Parizeau announced his resignation as provincial premier and leader of the Parti Québécois and also admitted that his outburst against ethnics might have been better phrased. But that was as far as he went. The separatists, by and large, agreed with him. Before the referendum campaign began, a Bloc Québécois member of the federal parliament, Philippe Pare had suggested that the “other” voters in Quebec should refrain from voting and let the real Quebeckers decide the future of the province by themselves. To multicultural Canada, which takes in about a quarter million immigrants a year, his remark appeared racist, but it expressed the fortress mentality of Quebec, formed by two centuries of slights, real or imagined, and the sense of being a conquered people. It is not an outlook one can understand without delving back into the history of North America before the American Revolution bisected it into a northern and southern half, and gave birth to two separate nations.


Before the Conquest, in 1750, a Swedish professor of botany, Peter Kalm, visited Quebec after a tour of the British colonies to the south. A scientist himself, he noted with approval that the Quebeckers had a greater taste for scientific pursuits than their English counterparts, whose chief interest was acquiring wealth. Status, however, did matter a great deal. New France had its own aristocracy, the seigneurs, whose seigneuries recreated a New World version of the manorial system of medieval France, and though most seigneurs had a hard time making ends meet, they had the right to add the coveted particle ‘de to their names, and the appetite for seigneuries was such that the British found almost 250 of them, and another 200 sub-seigneuries when they took over the colony. Moreover, New France had one advantage which the British colonies to the south did not. Perched on the St. Lawrence, it commanded the river routes of North America, and while the British remained huddled between the Appalachians and the Atlantic, French explorers moved easily into the interior, following the Great Lakes and the Mississippi.


There was one historical moment when Quebec might have won North America for France. In Queen Anne’s War, or the War of the Spanish Succession as it was known in England, the Canadiens of New France swept everything before them, and hemmed the British colonists into a strip along the eastern seaboard. But while the Canadiens were victorious in North America, Queen Anne’s armies led by the Duke of Marlborough were winning a string of victories in Europe, and when the war ended with the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, the French conquests had to be returned. The historical moment passed, and the die was cast for New France.


The secret weapon of the British was population. They had no hesitation about peopling their colonies with their outcasts: religious non-conformists, convicts, debtors, persons whom Britain was glad to be rid of, and who, once in the colonies, often harbored feelings of rejection. Not satisfied with only their own outcasts, the British collected them from other countries: Huguenots from France, Palatinate Germans, and Anabaptists from Switzerland who became Pennsylvania Dutch in the New World. By contrast, the immigrants to New France were Catholic and French, most of them from Normandy, and their number was few, not more than 10 thousand. The French habitants had large families, but New France could not keep up with the disorganized growth of the English colonies. When New France fell, Voltaire is supposed to have dismissed the event as the loss of a “few acres of snow”. Voltaire’s opinion was not typical, but France’s interest in Quebec was founded on national pride, not economic considerations, and in the end, economics won.


The French regime capitulated in 1760, the French colonial officials departed and the British were left with a colony that had lost its governing elite. They were uncertain what to do next. All the English colonies had been royal charter foundations. Britain had never had to administer a colony before. Eventually, on the eve of the American Revolution, the British Parliament passed the Quebec Act, the first act it had ever passed regulating the internal affairs of a colony. In the century that followed, it was to pass a series of acts regulating Canadian government, the last of which was the British North American Act of 1867, which Canada regards as its birth date.


As for English Canada, it was a byproduct of the American Revolution. The influx of Loyalist refugees from the Thirteen Colonies gave Canada an instant English-speaking population. The society they established was American. After the Napoleonic Wars were over, Canada received new waves of immigrants from Europe, but three decades were enough for the Loyalist Americans to establish the characteristics of English Canada. They shared accents and traditions with the United States, even the American Thanksgiving: the descendants of the Mayflower captain were among the Loyalists. The difference was the monarchy. Loyalty to the descendants of King George III was to remain an important component of self-identity in English Canada. As late as 1992, a Gallup Poll showed that 54 per cent of Canadians outside Quebec still considered themselves loyal subjects of Queen Elizabeth II. In Quebec, however, 66 percent opted for a republic.


The Quebec Act of 1774 had restored the government and society of New France as far as possible. English criminal law along with trial by jury replaced French criminal law, but the civil law remained French. The great difference, however, was that there were no more royal officials sent out from France; the new elite of Quebec society were now born in Quebec. Quebec began to produce its own leaders. In 1791, after the influx of the Loyalist Americans, another act of the British parliament introduced representative government and divided Quebec into Upper and Lower Canada, including Montreal in Lower Canada against the wishes of its residents, the majority of whom were at that time English-speaking. The Quebecois adapted swiftly to parliamentary institutions and used them skillfully to assert their identity.


French Quebeckers in their kindlier moments will admit that their British conquerors did not treat them badly. But the humiliating factor was that they were conquered at all. The Conquest blighted a great future that grew all the more splendid in imagination because it had been lost. When Quebec premier Jacques Parizeau tabled the 1995 referendum question in the Quebec National Assembly, he accompanied it with a “Declaration of Sovereignty” which went to the heart of the matter. Now is the time, it declared, to reap the fields of history, to achieve the promise of those 17th-century pioneers who rooted themselves in the soil of Quebec. It hailed a land whose heart beats in French, and a language which celebrates “our loves, our beliefs and our dreams.” English Canada heard this trumpet call with a mixture of astonishment and amusement. The soil of modern English Canada may grow wheat or timber, but it does not provide potting soil for pioneer myths. Unlike Quebec, English Canada has never developed a home-grown intelligentsia, and it finds its history dull. The United States can look back on a true Heroic Age, complete with revolution, civil war, Indian Wars and the taming of the frontier. Canada has only the dry bones of constitutional development.


Canada, nonetheless, is a product of the accidents of North American history. The American Revolution ensured that it, and not the United States, was heir to the British possessions in America. Anxious to reduce her commitments and withdraw her troops, the British smoothed the path for the federation of her North American colonies. The British North America Act of 1867 created the Dominion of Canada out of Ontario, Quebec and two maritime provinces. The west coast colony of British Columbia joined three years later and in the same year, Canada got the vast territory of Rupert’s Land which covered the prairie provinces and the whole northern part of the continent. Ten years later, without the benefit of legislation, Britain handed over to Canada her claims to the Arctic islands. Newfoundland held aloof until after World War II when, following two referendums and some prodding from Britain, she became the tenth province. Then the British Empire faded away, and Canada, which had been self-governing for more than a hundred years, not only became independent; she felt independent.


In Quebec at mid-century, a revolution got under way. It was called a “Quiet Revolution” but quiet or not, it was far-reaching. The Quebecois revolted against both the Roman Catholic hierarchy and the English managerial class which used to dominate commerce in Quebec. They were determined to be masters in their own house, and make their own language paramount in the province. The tone of Quebec culture changed sharply, and the federal government attempted to accommodate it.


In 1965, a Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism produced a report. It was to be followed by many others, but this one is worth rereading. Several features stand out. One is the degree to which both French and English were ignorant of each other. Not a great deal has changed; the English media now report Quebec affairs regularly, but their French counterparts are as insular as ever. Another was the fact that separatist sentiment was already present in all its degrees, from a moderate reform movement to a push for complete independence. But the events of the last three decades give an ominous meaning to one of the report’s paragraphs: “Finally it should be emphasized that (French) society is not only distinct, but also that its individual members, sometimes to a surprising degree, lead a life quite separate from that of English-speaking Canada. We are speaking here of separation in fact, created by the barrier of language, and not of doctrinaire separatism.”


Events were to move quickly. In 1967, the Canadian centennial year, Charles de Gaulle came to visit and shouted “Vive le Quebec libre!” from the balcony of the Montreal City Hall. There was splendid irony to De Gaulle’s intervention, for French Canada had been a tepid supporter of Free France during World War II, and the newspaper of the Quebec chattering classes, Le Devoir, had been markedly hostile. Three years later came the October crisis. A terrorist group called the Front de Liberation du Quebec (FLQ) had been setting bombs and committing hold-ups for seven years, and already had claimed four victims, but in October, 1970, it captured headlines by kidnapping the British trade commissioner, James Cross, and murdering a Quebec cabinet minister, Pierre Laporte. The Canadian prime minister, Pierre Trudeau, called in the army. His approval rating in the polls shot up immediately to 59 per cent, and terrorism was stopped dead, though one FLQ terrorist, Paul Rose, has since become a minor pequiste saint.


In 1980, Quebec held its first referendum. The question which the Parti Québécois put to the voters was long and confusing: not independence exactly, but sovereignty-association, a quasi-independence which the Parti Québécois founder, the charismatic René Lévesque, had outlined in a book titled An Option for Quebec. A fraction more than 40 per cent of the Quebec electorate voted for it. But at a rally four days before the vote was taken, prime minister Pierre Trudeau promised constitutional reform following a victory for federalism. What direction the reform would take he did not say, but with a little wishful thinking, it could seem to be a promise of a moderate form of sovereignty-association. And so a myth was born. Trudeau, the myth had it, had promised Quebec special powers, and instead protected federal prerogatives in a new constitutional framework.


Canada’s Constitution in 1980 was still an act of the British Parliament, which could be amended only by the British Parliament. What Trudeau’s constitutional reform turned out to be was not to revamp the constitution, but to make it a Canadian statute, and attach to it a Bill of Rights. The result was a furious struggle between the provinces and the federal government and Trudeau got a “Charter of Rights and Freedoms” only with an escape clause which allows a provision in the Charter to be suspended at the will of any government, federal or provincial. The Quebec government was to make good use of this clause: it had banned the use of English on signs, and when the Supreme Court found the ban in violation of the Charter, it invoked the escape clause and suspended the right of its English-speaking minority to use English. But Trudeau won a qualified victory, and Queen Elizabeth II came to Canada to proclaim the Constitution Act on April 17, 1982. The signature of the Quebec premier was not on the document. A new grievance for Quebec was born.


But by now, everybody else nursed grievances as well. The Western provinces were deeply resentful. Trudeau and his team from Quebec which had dominated Ottawa for some 15 years had a vision of Canada which extended no further west than the Great Lakes. His economic policies left the country mired in debt. Quebec had absorbed all his creative juices. But Trudeau in retirement still commanded respect and continues to do so yet, at the age of 75, though more among English-speaking Canadians than in Quebec itself. A poll taken in June 1993 showed that 62 per cent of Canadians overall judged Trudeau a better prime minister than his successor, Brian Mulroney. But then, 43 per cent judged Mulroney the worst prime minister in Canadian history.


The judgment was less than fair. Mulroney’s worst failure was the budget deficit which defeated him, and he left Canada in the unhappy position where some 35 percent of national revenues go to service the debt. He increased Canada’s immigration intake to a quarter million annually, thus subtly changing the old French-English constitutional duel: by 1995, the quarrel was between French Quebec and the new multicultural state that Canada had become. Yet twice Mulroney came within an ace of finding a formula that would have persuaded Quebec to put its signature on the Constitution. Power would be decentralized; Quebec would be recognized as a “distinct society.” The 1965 Report on Bilingualism and Biculturalism had said as much, and yet English Canada was deeply suspicious. To many Canadians, what was distinct about Quebec was that it fined people who put up signs in languages other than French. But Mulroney’s greatest error was that he inadvertently created a new high priest of the separatist cause, Lucien Bouchard.


After the defeat of sovereignty-association in the 1980 referendum, the Parti Québécois retreated from quasi-independence to quasi-federalism. But the die-hard core remained intact, chief among them Jacques Parizeau, who had served as minister of finance in the Parti Québécois government. A scion of one of Quebec’s leading families and a graduate of the London School of Economics, Parizeau is a combination of hard-headed economist and romantic, a closet monarchist and hard-core separatist. If he had had his way, the question that was asked in the 1995 referendum would have been a simple choice between independence and continued federalism. But the verdict of the pollsters was that a “Yes” vote could not win with that question, and Parizeau wanted badly to win. The referendum was to damage his political career and destroy his reputation. It transformed him from a statesman into a snake-oil salesman peddling a brand of sovereignty-association which he himself believed would not work, and it uncovered racist undertones in his mindset which only his enemies had previously suspected.


Lucien Bouchard was one of five children born to a deeply religious family on a farm 400 miles north of Quebec City. He grew up to become a small town lawyer and a supporter of Pierre Trudeau. But at the Universite Laval law school in Quebec City, he had met Brian Mulroney and the two students became close friends. When Mulroney became prime minister, he made Bouchard Canadian ambassador to France. He worked hard at mastering the intricacies of government, learned to speak English, and acquitted himself well as a diplomat. In 1987, Mulroney, who never forgot a friend and expected his loyalty to be returned, recalled Bouchard to serve in his cabinet. He won a by-election thanks more to Mulroney’s electioneering skills than his own. He also got married for the second time, to a Californian named Audrey Best, and became a father of two sons.


His resignation from the Mulroney cabinet was carefully timed. Mulroney came closest to a constitutional formula that Quebec would accept with the so-called “Meech Lake Accord” of 1987, which was put together by the first ministers of the federal and provincial governments meeting at a retreat on Meech Lake east of Ottawa. The polls gave it an approval rating of 59 per cent in Quebec. Western Canada disapproved by an even higher rating, but it was not that which killed “Meech Lake.” A lone native Indian member of the Manitoba legislature refused to make the province’s approval unanimous, and Newfoundland took that as a signal to withdraw support. “Meech Lake” died within a hair’s breadth of success. It was a sharp reminder that Canada’s native peoples had grievances that were far more justified than Quebec’s. But Bouchard had already resigned before “Meech Lake” perished. He founded his own separatist party to contest the next federal election, the Bloc Quebecois. In the next federal election, it won enough seats in Quebec to form “Her Majesty’s Loyal Opposition” in the Parliament of Canada. The Conservatives whom Mulroney had led to victory twice were reduced to two seats, though one of them was won by an attractive young Quebec politician who had also learned what it was to trust Bouchard as a friend, Jean Charest. In the referendum of Oct. 30, 1995, he was the one politician to emerge with an enhanced reputation.


Bouchard was not the only reason for the collapse of the Conservatives. Out of the West emerged a new party with populist, evangelical roots, led by Preston Manning, the son of a former Alberta premier. One politician whose vocal chords are attached weakly to a light-weight brain, compared him to Darryl Duke, who was running for governor of Louisiana at the time. After Duke faded out, the media pundits decided that he was Canada’s Newt Gingrich. Manning himself was interested in the comparison until he took a closer look at Gingrich’s platform, after which he carefully distanced himself. The American statesman with whom Manning likes most to compare himself is Abraham Lincoln, and he draws analogies between the political scene in the United States before the Civil War and Canada’s present situation. He is the one English-Canadian federal politician who is quite willing to contemplate a Canada without Quebec, and to take a hard-headed look at the advantages and disadvantages. Quebec at present receives from the federal government more than 3.5 billion dollars more than it contributes in taxes. Ontario loses more than 4.5 billion dollars, and the province of Alberta not a great deal less. Manning is a native of Alberta. In the Quebec referendum of Oct. 30, 1995, the position of Manning’s Reform Party was that a “No” majority was preferable, but that a “Yes” victory should be accepted, and the rest of Canada should plan for its own future.


But for the ruling Liberal Party in Ottawa, there was no choice but to fight for a “No” victory and win. If Quebec became independent, its leading members, including prime minister Jean Chrétien himself, would become citizens of a foreign country. Its problem was that the separatists were chameleons; they managed to be for independance and against it at the same time. “Sovereignty” is a slippery word. A large number of voters who cast their ballots for the “Yes” side thought that after Quebec independence, Quebeckers could continue to send members of parliament to Ottawa, use Canadian dollars, and carry Canadian passports. Bouchard himself expected that, after Quebec became independent, the government in Ottawa would still pay him the generous pension to which Canadian Members of Parliament are entitled. The “No” side, led by the leader of the Quebec Liberal Party, Daniel Johnson, grew panicky in the last days before the vote, and prevailed on Chretien to promise another round of constitutional reform, which would include recognition of Quebec as a “distinct society.” “Yes” lost by a whisker and Chrétien is left with a promise he will find it hard to keep.


In Canada’s constitutional game, democracy has taken on a peculiar complexion. For the separatists, a majority vote for independence, however narrow the margin, should be respected by the rest of Canada as a genuine expression of democracy. But a vote for federalism is only an invitation for another referendum. So another referendum will take place and a poll taken early this year showed that separatist support had grown. The charismatic Lucien Bouchard as separatist as ever, has succeeded Parizeau as premier of Quebec, but the Quebec economy, which is in deep recession, needs his attention first. The prime minister of Canada, Jean Chrétien, is mortally wounded. The referendum revealed him as the first prime minister from Quebec who could not command widespread support in his home province. In Ontario, Canada’s richest and most populous province, the business elite is taking a serious look at Preston Manning of the Reform Party, for he is the only political leader with a coherent strategy for the rest of Canada in case secession takes place. Moreover, without being another Newt Gingrich, Manning does promise to tackle Canada’s budget deficit.


Meanwhile the resentment among the “Other” groups in Quebec is bitter. The péquistes have emerged as the faction of the “Pure Wool” Quebeckers, determined to exact revenge for the defeat on the Plains of Abraham in 1759. The “Others”: English, Jews, Greeks, and the varied mix of other immigrant groups, feel marginalized and persecuted. The referendum has left them alienated and angry, and the Québécols de souche, insular and insensitive to the feelings of those outside their own ethnos, remain unaware or indifferent. For them, what is important is to reverse the verdict of a capitulation 236 years ago, no matter how many referendums it takes.

Saturday, June 24, 2023

The Parthenon Marbles - Past and Future

THE PARTHENON MARBLES -- PAST AND FUTURE

Reprinted from Contemporary Review. Copyright The Gale Group


I first saw the Parthenon in 1954 from the deck of an elderly liner named the Nea Hellas as she approached the dock at Piraeus. Two weeks earlier she had departed New York. After seven days at sea we touched at Lisbon, and then on to Naples where the view of Mt. Vesuvius from the harbour was not yet clouded in smog, and we took on a group of English tourists in search of the sun, for 1954 had been a year of almost continuous rain in Britain. They sprawled on the Nea Hellas' deck in various states of undress, while their white flesh seared bright red. But they were on the deck, sore but game, to watch the old liner enter harbour. The atmosphere was limpid, with the marvellous Mediterranean light which once bathed Athens. Rising above the city in the distance was the Acropolis and on it, the Parthenon.


Distance hid its scars, and it had many, for it was almost two and a half millennia old. It was begun in 447 B.C. when Athens was the leader of an alliance put together thirty years earlier to check the ambitions of the Persian Empire. By mid-century, it was clear that Persia's expansionism was well in check, and Athens redirected the revenues of her alliance into a building programme in Athens. As the history textbooks put it, the 'Delian League' which began as an ancient version of NATO, matured into the Athenian Empire, and the income from it financed the Parthenon. The cicerones who guide the hordes of tourists around the Acropolis nowadays like to refer to the Parthenon as the symbol of Athenian democracy. In fact, it is a monument to profitable imperialism.


But great works of art and architecture transcend the motives of their founders. Imperial Athens became a model for the ancient world. Less than two decades after the Parthenon was begun, Athens and her empire were plunged into a life-and-death struggle with her rival, Sparta and her allies, and when it was over, Athens had lost her empire, her navy and much of her prestige. But not all: Athens' reputation as the heartland of classical culture was something that Sparta could not take away. The Parthenon helped guarantee that. It may not have symbolized democracy, but it did come to symbolize what the classical heritage was all about.


The building remained more or less intact until the fifth century anno Domini. The Emperor Augustus had built a round shrine in front of it to put a Roman hallmark on Greece. The Emperor, Hadrian, had treated it kindly: it was he who restored the gold-and-ivory cult statue of Athena Parthenos -- Athena the Virgin -- for the original by the great sculptor Phidias had been damaged by fire beyond recall. Athena still had her followers long after Emperor Constantine I united the Roman Empire's future with the Christian religion. In Athens, paganism took a long time dying. When the cult statue of Athena was removed at last from the Parthenon in the fifth century, the head of the Neoplatonic Academy, whose house is now underneath Dionysios the Areopagite street, dreamed that Athena appeared to him and told him that since she had been ousted from her house, she must now move in with him. The Neoplatonic Academy remained faithful. Its philosophy had only a tenuous connection with Plato, but it kept the faith until 52 9, when the Emperor, Justinian, closed it down. For those who love lost causes, 529 is a notable year.


When Athena the Virgin vacated the Parthenon, the Virgin Mother of God moved in. An apse was built at the east end, and the sculptures of the east pediment, which showed the birth of Athena, were probably destroyed at that time. The west pediment's sculptures, which depicted the contest between Athena and Poseidon for the land of Attica, were more fortunate. The Turks took Athens in 1456 and built a mosque in the Parthenon and added a minaret, but the transformation did no great damage. In the 1670s, the French ambassador in Constantinople, the Marquis de Nointel, had his artist, Jacques Carrey, draw the Parthenon. It is usual to refer to Carrey as the 'so-called Jacques Carrey' which highlights our ignorance of the man. But his drawings feature in every art historian's attempt to reconstruct what the west pediment looked like on the eve of the great catastrophe, which took place in 1687.


In that year, Venice and the Ottoman empire were at war. A Venetian army was bombarding the Turkish garrison on the Acropolis, which was storing its gunpowder in the Parthenon, thinking it would be safe there. The Turks were reckless with gunpowder; a generation earlier, the Propylaea, as the great monumental entrance to the Acropolis is known, had suffered when gunpowder stored there was ignited by lightning. In 1687, a well-aimed shot from a Venetian cannon struck the Parthenon and the powder magazine exploded. I once had a Danish friend, now dead, who told me that his ancestor had aimed the ill-omened cannon, and claimed that it was out of penance that he became a professor of classics in a Canadian university. In fact, there seems to be some doubt about the identity of the man who aimed the cannon. An unnamed Hanoverian gunnery expert seems to be a prime candidate.


With the eighteenth century, the rediscovery of Greece began. In Britain the Society of the Dilettanti was founded in 1732. Its members were noblemen who had visited Italy where they ate and drank and acquired an appreciation of classical architecture. Europe still knew Greece through a Roman filter, for until Napoleon closed western Europe to Englishmen taking the Grand Tour, only the rare, eccentric traveller visited Greece which was an out-of-the-way corner of the Ottoman Empire. Roman classicism had inspired Palladian architecture which was favoured by the Whig ascendancy in Britain. The Dilettanti were not a Whiggish lot, and perhaps for that reason they wanted to promote Greek architecture through eyes uncorrupted by Palladianism. In 1748 they commissioned James Stuart, a painter-architect, and Nicholas Revett, an architect draughtsman, to visit Greece and produce drawings of as many of the ancient monuments as they could. Stuart and Revett's first volume of The Antiquities of Athens (1762) dealt with minor works and did not cause a great stir, but the second volume in 1787 was a revelation. The last volume appeared in 1794. Stuart and Revett founded the Greek Revival style, and though it was followed by many other 'revivals' such as the Gothic, the Romanesque and the Egyptian, the Greek Revival was the most successful of them all. It would ride the full flood of the nineteenth century romanticism and, in the United States, it became virtually the official architecture of the new republic.


The collectors soon followed. The French were in the forefront. Comte Marie-Gabriel de Choiseul Gouffler became Louis XVI's ambassador to Turkey in 1784. As a young man he had fallen in love with Greece and his pro-Greek sympathies nearly got him into trouble with the Sultan, but he smoothed ruffled feelings adroitly. His agent in Athens was Louis Fauvel who contrived to corner the antiquities market, and imported a wagon from Toulon which was the only conveyance in Athens sturdy enough to carry off large pieces of sculpture. If all had gone smoothly, the Parthenon Marbles', as the Greeks call them, would not be in the British Museum but in the Louvre, which does, in fact, have a small collection including a slab of the Parthenon frieze. But with the French Revolution, Louis XVI lost his head and Choiseul his job. Fauvel continued collecting, and Choiseul eventually returned to live in Paris where he died in 1817. His great collection was sold to the Louvre and to private collectors. But the greatest haul of Parthenon sculptures was to be made by Thomas Bruce, the Earl of Elgin, who was inadvertently to impart a new word to the French language: 'elginisme', which the Grand Larousse defines as a 'form of vandalism consisting of taking works of art from their countries of origin to put them in public or private collections'.


In fact, the French play a supporting role in the Elgin affair. On the 'ninth and tenth Thermidor of the sixth year of the First French Republic', 27-28 July, 1798 that is, the first fruits of Napoleon's plunder from Italy reached Paris. The Vatican and the Capitoline museums in Rome had yielded the Apollo Belvedere, the Venus di Medici, the Discobolus, the Laocoon and the Dying Gaul plus sixty or more other pieces. Much more was to come from the Netherlands, Prussia and the smaller German states, but it was Italy that was most thoroughly robbed. The bronze horses over the portal of San Marco in Venice were transported to Paris, and when the Arc de Triomphe was built, they were placed on top of it. They are Roman horses, and not Greek at all, but that was small comfort to the Venetians who attributed them to the great Lysippos.


Not quite two months before Napoleon's first shipment of Italian loot reached Paris, his great armada had set sail to conquer Egypt, and it, too, carried scientific experts, with the collection of artifacts on their minds. Napoleon did not expect British opposition, for Britain had withdrawn her fleet from the eastern Mediterranean two years before. France was on friendly terms with Turkey, and Egypt was at least nominally part of the Sultan's empire, though in fact it was ruled by the Mamelukes. But the Sultan recognized an insult when one was offered and when, on 1 August, Nelson destroyed the French fleet at the Battle of the Nile, the Sultan was pleased and grateful. In Athens, Fauvel was sent to gaol. Lord Elgin, who arrived in Constantinople as a British ambassador, received a friendly reception.


It would be hard to prove that the French example influenced Elgin directly, but it was no doubt at the back of his mind. All the French artists had signed a petition presented to the Directory in October, 1796, which said, in part, that the 'more the (French) climate seems unfavourable to the arts, the more do we require models here to overcome the obstacles to the progress thereof ... The French Republic, by the strength and superiority of its enlightenment and its artists, is the only country in the world which can give a safe home to these masterpieces'. Elgin also sought models for English taste, but his initial purpose was to make drawings and plaster casts of the Parthenon Marbles. He engaged the court painter of the King of Naples, Giovanni Battista Lusieri, who was at work on a royal commission to sketch the antiquities of Sicily. The long-suffering Lusieri, who was to be on Elgin's staff for twenty years, became a victim of the Parthenon Marbles. So, as it turned out, did Lord Elgin himself.


The person most responsible for diverting Elgin's project from its original intention was his chaplain, Philip Hunt. Ottoman control in Athens was in the hands of the Voivode or governor, and the Disdar, the commander of the Acropolis garrison, and neither was inclined to cooperate with Elgin's men. A firman from the Sublime Porte was necessary. The first firman made its way slowly from Constantinople to Athens, but events had overtaken it by the time it arrived. A second was sought, and, the question of whether or not Elgin had a legal right to remove the Parthenon sculptures centres on this firman. It survives in Italian, the lingua franca of the eastern Mediterranean of the time, and William St. Clair, in his new edition of Lord Elgin and the Marbles, has printed it in an appendix, with his translation. It clearly gave Elgin's party the right to measure, draw, make plaster casts of the sculptures, and to dig round the temple's foundations to find inscriptions. But it is the final clauses of the firman whi ch are controversial. They were inspired by Philip Hunt and they instruct the authorities in Athens not 'to make any opposition to the taking away of some pieces of stone with inscriptions, and figures, and in the aforesaid manner you should act and comport yourselves'.


On the basis of this vague authorization, Elgin took away 247 feet of the frieze that ran round the outside of the cella wall (originally it was 524 ft. long), fifteen metopes from the temple entablature, seventeen figures from the pediment and assorted architectural fragments. He also removed a caryatid from the Porch of the Maidens belonging to the Erechtheion a few steps north of the Parthenon ... In fact, Hunt contemplated taking away all of this exquisite temple, but the British Navy would have had to contribute a frigate if it were to be transported to Britain, and no ship was to be had. Hunt's acquisitive instincts far surpassed anything the Sublime Porte had in mind when it granted the firman. At Mycenae, Hunt cast a speculative eye on the Lion Gate, but it was too large to be moved. Louis Fauvel's wagon, which Elgin's agents commandeered while Fauvel himself was temporarily hors de combat, was the only vehicle in Athens which could transport heavy sculptures to the port. It was fortunate that the ea rly nineteenth century did not have modem moving equipment.


Elgin was not immune to the profit motive, but he made no money out of the 'Elgin Marbles'. When he sold them in 1816 to the British government, which bought them only after an exhaustive inquiry into the legitimacy of his ownership, he retrieved only about half his expenses. Bad luck clouded his later life. His career stalled. He lost his fortune on the Marbles. He also lost his wife to another man and the eighth Earl of Elgin, who became Governor-General of Canada, was to be the son of his second marriage. He lost his nose to syphilis, and though his ailment was probably misdiagnosed, it appears that he himself, at least, suspected syphilis. He also lost his reputation, for which Lord Byron was partly responsible, for in the controversy surrounding the removal of the Parthenon sculptures from Athens, Byron's voice carried special weight. He spoke for the Romantic Hellenism movement which was to colour the European view of Greece for the next two centuries. 'Fair Greece! sad relic of departed worth/Immortal , though no more; though fallen, great!' he wrote in Childe Harold's Pilgrimage. His brief poem, The Curse of Minerva is mere doggerel, but it was an effective anti-Elgin invective. Byron popularized what was a novel idea at the time, though it has by now gained international currency and informs the 1970 UNESCO convention on cultural property. It is that a country's art is its heritage. Art -- if it is old enough -- consists not merely of articles to be bought and sold at Sotheby's. It expresses the spirit of a people.


The debate on the purchase of the Marbles for the British Museum in 1816 took place against the backdrop of a bitter dispute in France. After Napoleon abdicated at Fontainebleau on 6 April, 1814, the Bourbons returned and the peace treaty did not mention the art treasures Napoleon had looted. The victors preferred to let Louis XVIII handle the question privately. But it was soon clear that Louis intended to return only those treasures which had not been displayed at the Louvre or the Tuileries, and after the Battle of Waterloo, the victors took a stronger line. They rejected a French effort to insert a clause in the Convention of Paris of 1815 which would guarantee the 'integrity of museums and libraries'. Yet the Convention did not explicitly demand the restitution of the looted treasures, and so the French cherished hopes of keeping most of them. They might have succeeded if the British delegation had not taken a strong line, and Prussia, Spain, the Pope and smaller states followed the British lead.


The French were incensed, for Britain had no direct interest: Napoleon had taken nothing from her. A rumour circulated in Paris that the Pope had promised the Prince Regent the Apollo Belvedere in return for British help in pressing the Vatican's claims, but the Apollo Belvedere went back to Rome. The British seemed motivated merely by Anglo-Saxon morality, which was not recognized as a virtue in France, and perhaps, too, out of a sense that Paris was an improper repository for great works of art. William Hamilton, who was one of Britain's representatives on the committee overseeing the return, hinted as much to the director of the Louvre, Vivant Denon. He told him that the Louvre was too near the Palais Royal, at the time the hub of Parisian prostitution, to be a centre for art study. Hamilton had been Lord Elgin's secretary. Tu quoque! France could reply.


What about the Elgin Marbles? It is little wonder that elginisme was accepted in the Grand Larousse.


The question of the repatriation of the Marbles began virtually at the same time that Britain decided to purchase them in 1816. During the parliamentary debate, one Hugh Hammersley proposed an amendment stating that Britain held the Marbles in trust, and when Athens demanded them back, Britain should return them. In fact, Greece did not officially ask for them back until 1983, by which time there was already a good deal of sentiment in the U.K. for their return. In 1983, Melina Mercouri, who became famous for her role as llya, the generous Athenian prostitute in the film Never on Sunday (1960), and then entered politics to become Minister of Culture (1981-89; 1993-94), held an emotional press conference in London on the Marbles. 'This is our history; this is our soul', she said. 'You must understand us... They (the Marbles) are the symbol and the blood and the soul of the Greek people'.


Mercouri played to the gallery and the gallery responded with playbacks. President Bill Clinton, who was met with riots protesting the bombing of Serbia when he visited Athens in 1999, stated that he was for the repatriation of the Marbles. In Britain, the Labour Party, in opposition, favoured the Marbles' return; once in power, its enthusiasm waned. A 1998 MORI opinion poll in the U.K. found a large majority in favour of the Marbles' return. When the European Parliament voted (15 January 1999) for the return of the Marbles by a slim majority, a third of the British members supported the resolution. William St. Clair, in the second edition of his Lord Elgin and the Marbles, revealed what insiders already knew, that in the late 1930s, the British Museum had subjected the Marbles to harsh cleaning to restore their whiteness, and in the process, some remnants of the original paint were removed. The Greeks who are sick of hearing foreigners gripe about the Athenian smog and the havoc caused by acid rain on ancie nt monuments, took note with some satisfaction. There is no easy solution for the nefos, as the Athenians call their smog.


Articles began to appear in law journals, for the Elgin Marbles case opens a can of worms in international law. Other treasures too have reached the world's great museums by dubious means and most were exported without any firman, not even one with ambiguous wording. The legal scholar who has concerned himself most with the Elgin Marbles is J. H. Merryman, Sweitzer Professor of Law at Stanford University and co-operating professor in the Stanford Art Department. He agrees that Elgin exceeded the terms of his firman, but points out that there were two additional firmans from the Sultan sanctioning the export of the marbles. As a lawyer, he is suspicious of all appeals to cultural nationalism, which are too close to the doctrines of Nazi Germany for his taste. If the Parthenon were actually being restored, Merryman would admit a moral argument for returning the Marbles to the temple whence they came, thus restoring its integrity, but the Greek plan is to transfer them from a museum in London to one in Athens. They cannot be exposed to the Athenian smog. The sculptures which Elgin spared have now been taken down and put in the Acropolis Museum here the remaining caryatids from the Porch of the Maidens now peer at visitors from behind glass. Is it more spiritually satisfying to see the Marbles in an Athenian museum gallery than one in London?


But lately the Greek argument has adopted a softer tone. Who owns the Marbles does not matter; what matters is location. In return for giving the Marbles a home in a new Acropolis Museum which will be ready in time for the 2004 Athens Olympics, God willing, Greece would pay for replicas to be exhibited in London, and would provide the British Museum with a permanent rotating collection of Greek art. Greece wants cooperation, not confrontation. The Greek Foreign Minister has assured other museum directors that they need have no apprehensions about other treasures taken from Greece before the War of Independence. Greece's ambitions extend only to the Elgin Marbles, and since she asks for possession rather than ownership, the Elgin Marbles case would establish no legal precedent.


The subtlety of the argument is truly Hellenic. But it does bring the problem closer to resolution. Greece has tacitly recognised that the exhibits of classical art in the British Museum are good ambassadors for Greece. The Elgin Marbles were always that. Their silent presence in the British Museum helped Greece win her freedom from the Ottoman Empire and expand her boundaries in the nineteenth century. Moreover the mission of the world's greatest museums has changed. No longer are they storehouses of artifacts. Rather, museum directors are impresarios who mount splendid exhibitions which draw thousands of visitors, and travel from museum to museum. As I write, an exhibition on Cleopatra VII of Egypt is drawing crowds to the British Museum, and from London, it will travel to the Field Museum in Chicago. Such exhibitions are international projects and often profitable ones. The Greek museums and the B.M. could make good partners.


But there is another reason why the Elgin Marbles case will probably soon be resolved. In the multicultural world of the future, classical art will matter less. The Duveen Gallery may someday house exhibits from Africa or Central America. As the Elgin Marbles become more the 'soul of the Greek people', as Melina Mercouri put it, they will become less the cultural heritage of the West. Greece will not entirely lose the special place it has in the affections of the western world, but attitudes will change.

Monday, August 8, 2022

Black Athena Controversy

BLACK ATHENA CONTROVERSY

 

Black History draws attention to evidence that mainstream historians consider unimportant and omit from the historical mythos that assumes, without much thought, that people with white skins made the important events. What brought this home to me almost a quarter century was a column written for Black History month in a Seattle newspaper by a black journalist. He cited that American Revolution as an example. It might have happened eventually in any  case, but what sparked the Declaration of Independence when it did was the return of Benjamin Franklin from Britain with the report that Britain had abolished slavery.   The Mansfield Judgement handed down by the Court of King’s Bench  in 1772 that there was no legal basis for slavery must have aroused the big slaveholders in Verginia such as Lee, Jefferson and Washington.  Their property could be in danger. So must also must have been the news Franklin brought that France, stung by her massive defeat in the Seven Years War, was willing to finance a rebellion.  “French francs” made a more potent rallying cry that did “Liberty”. All that is omitted from mainstream history of the American Revolution.

Were the Blacks written out of Greek and Roman history in the same way? Bernal presents the evidence. But how plausible is it?

I made on other contribution to the Black History debate: a review of Jaques Berlinerblau’s Heresy in the University, for the Literary Review of Canada. I have forgotten the reference.

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Mary R. Lefkowitz and Guy Maclean Rogers. Black Athena Revisited.

Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press. 1996. pp. xxi + tt

Mary R. Lefkowitz. Not Out of Africa. How Afrocentrism Became an Excuse

to Teach Myth as History. A New Republic Book. New York Basic Books. 1996. Pp.

xvii + . 

Echos du Monde Classique/Classical Views XllI. n.s. 17.1998, pp.677-696  (Edited by 

Robert Todd).

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I regret that my software program did not allow me to use French accents or German umlauts.

J. A. S. EVANS

 

The relationship between history and myth is a delicate one. We use

mythology in order to adjust the past into a pattern acceptable to the

present. and a certain amount of mythmaking is probably necessary to

keep modern nation states glued together. (I)  National histories. ethnic

histories and "victim group" histories regularly blur the boundary

between well-attested evidence and fiction. often because their creators

allow themselves to be blinkered by "models" which tend to shake

themselves loose from the evidence and become "doctrines." Yet, as

Lucian of Samosata reminded us, the historian's goal is to tell the truth.

and anyone who wants to pass for an historian must lay claim to the

same purpose with some degree of plausibility. Otherwise. he must

abandon history and write historical novels or. better still. epics which

no one expects to be encumbered with bibliography. No modern

mythmaker can claim the success of Vergil's Aeneid. which wove the

past into an enduring imperial myth. But Vergil was a poet. and in the

modern world poets have moved away from mass audiences. University

survey courses supplemented by electronic media have moved

into the vacuum thus created.

However, there is a new element in the modern "Culture Wars"

which rouses the academic exasperation evident in these two books from the battlefront,

Mary Lefkowitz's Not Out of Africa and Black Athena 

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... Mary R. Lefkowitz and Guy Maclean Rogers. Black Athena Revisited.

Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press. 1996. pp. xxi +

522.

Mary R. Lefkowitz. Not Out of Africa. How Afrocentrism Became an Excuse

to Teach Myth as History. A New Republic Book. New York Basic Books. 1996. Pp.

xvii + 222.

I I should like to thank Robert Todd. for encouraging me to undertake this review

essay. and the University of Washington. where I was able to take advantage

of the resources of the Suzzallo Library while I was a visiting professor of

history there in 1997.

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Revisited. which Lefkowitz edits along with Guy MacLean. It is that the

same mythopoeic process that nation states have used in the past has

been rejigged to produce an adhesive that allows racial groups to rohere

within the modern multicultural state. In this case. it is post-World

War II classical studies that is being rejigged.  Martin Bernal's

Black Athena. of which we have two volumes now and two more

promised, is a learned example of the process. Bernal charges that

classical scholars have slighted the Asian and African contribution to

Greek culture for racist motives. notably anti-Semitism. Thus the interpretations

of past scholars should be judged by their racial background.

 

To this, Bernal adds the concept of "useful" history: for

instance: Aeschylus' view of myth in the Suppliants was clouded by

"what can usefully be called Hellenic nationalism"2 and Dynasties I.

XI. XII and XVIII from Upper Egypt were "made up of pharaohs

whom one can usefully call black. "( 3). To be sure. as Bernal pointed out

in a special issue of Arethusa devoted to the Black Athena debate. classicists

are mending their ways. In the 1950s, he asserted. classics was

still a "male. WASP club." but in the 1980s. he noted. more than half

the members of the American Philological Association are women. and

there is a high proportion of Jews. "It is no longer possible to maintain

the old. clubby. sexist. racist and anti-Semitic atmosphere. ". Bernal

presents his reading of Euro-American classical scholarship as part of

a new wave, a correction of the past.

Now. since it is Bernal's view that any classicist's scholarship is

tainted by his ethnicity and politics. I should confess my own background.

I was born on a farm in southern Ontario during the Depression,

went to a one-room school until the eighth grade. learned my

Latin and Greek in the collegiate-institute of a small Ontario city and

went to university on scholarships. I began my career in the "sexist,.

racist and anti-Semitic atmosphere" of the fifties. Yet as I recall. there

were a number of formidable scholars in the field who were women

or Jews. or even both. There was still the conviction in Canadian academia

that Canada did not produce first-rate classical scholars on its

home turf. though some who wisely emigrated did surprisingly well. and 

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2 Martin Bernal. Black Athena. The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization.

I. The Fabrication of Ancient Greece. 1785-1985 (London 1987. repro with new

introduction London 1991) 90. Black Athena will be abbreviated as BA. cited with

volume and page number.

3 BA I. 242. The Theban pharaoh Kamose. who initiated an offensive against

the Hyksos. says in an inscription which has survived as a school exercise that he

finds himself between an Asian prince in Avaris and a negro prince in Ethiopia.

that is. Nubia. from which we may "usefully" infer that he considered himself

neither: see Sabatino Moscati. The Face of the Ancient Orient (Garden City 1962)

109-110: A. Erman. ed.. tr. Aylward M. Blackman. The Ancient Egyptians: A

Source Book of their Writings (London 1927. repro New York 1966) 52-54.

• The Challenge of Black Athena. Special Issue. Arethusa (Fall 1989) 19.

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there was also the pervasive conviction that women could not combine

motherhood and academic careers.

 But there were exceptions. and in spite of the cliche to the contrary. no exception ever proves the rule.

From Manitoba to the Atlantic coast. the role of the churches in university

education was still an open wound. In Ontario. this battle from the

preceding century reached its final stage in the 1950s. McMaster University

ceased to be Baptist. the University of Windsor relinquished its

ties with the Roman Catholic church. and the old University of Western

Ontario affiliate. Waterloo College. lost a final struggle to remain

Lutheran. giving birth in the process to two universities, Wilfrid

Laurier and the University of Waterloo. The group in Canada at

mid-century that suffered the greatest discrimination was the native

Indians; in the victimhood stakes they left all other groups far behind,

even though their record of service in World War II was better than

that of any other group.

There were many prejudices on Canadian

campuses in the fifties and sixties. including some that would be labelled

"sexist. racist and anti-Semitic" according to the standards of the

1990s. But in general, the prejudices set their sights in other directions.

So a critique of the Black Athena debate. which has spawned these

two books. should perhaps proceed on two levels. First, how accurate

are Bernal's charges and what is his aim in making them? Second. how

does the debate fit into the sociology of the nineties. Specifically the

sociology of the United States. for in Canada. where the first large influx

Negroes was the black Loyalists after the American Revolution,

the popular image of the Canadian negro was as a deserving member

of society. He had a decent grasp of politics even though the colour of his

skin might render him distinct. In the United States, however. almost a

a century passed between the Emancipation and the Civil Rights movement.

and though the progress of the U.S. Blacks in the last generation

has been great. the cultural scar tissue that remains is not easy for an

outsider to appreciate.

"Culture." wrote Walter Burkert. "is not a plant sprouting from its

seed in isolation; it is a continuous process of learning guided by curiosity

along with practical needs and interests. It grows especially

through a willingness to learn from what is 'other,' what is strange

and foreign." The quotation comes from Burkert's The Orientalizing

Revolution. which was first published in German in 1984.5 and it uses

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5 Walter Burkert. trans. M.E. Pinder and W. Burkert. The Orientalizing Revolution.

Near Eastern Influence on Greek Culture in the Early Archaic Age

 —--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

the results of extensive research over the past forty years or so. The

common label for the interval in ancient history when Greece took her

alphabet from the Phoenicians is now the "Orientalizing Period,"

though Oswyn Murray was, I believe, the first to mint the title  only in 1980

in the first edition of his Early Greece. Burkert continued, "The

'Miracle of Greece' is not merely the result of unique talent. It also

owes its existence to the simple phenomenon that the Greeks are the

most easterly of Westerners .... Greece has remained in an uneasy

intermediary position. Hellas is not Hesperia. "

The quotation is relevant to the controversy surrounding Black

Athena. For it is a debate on more than one level. First, there is the

question of what influence Africa and Asia had on the Greek cultural

achievement. Here Bernal is a relative latecomer to the debate which

started more than a century ago with Oscar Montelius and Salomon

Reinach. Even Bernal's hypothesis that the myth of the Danaids is

based on an actual incursion of Hyksos refugees from Egypt was suggested

before him by Frank Stubbings in the Cambridge Ancient History,

VI, and Bernal's contribution to the theory, that the Greek word for

"suppliants" derives from "Hyksos," does not add to its credibility.

              Second, there is the question of "Orientalism" as defined by Edward

Said: how much has the stereotype of the oriental inherited from

nineteenth-century imperialism coloured our thinking about the classical

period? Bernal gives perfunctory acknowledgement to Said, who is

a Palestinian and a PLO supporter, but he seems reluctant to join his

camp.(8) Yet Bernal's manifestations of "anti-Semitism" in classical scholarship

are often simply examples of "Orientalism" as defined by Said,

and Orientalism has been a recurring theme in classical studies,

though I think it was Xenophon's Anabasis rather than Herodotus' Histories

which launched it.( 9) Then there are two other, nastier levels.

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(Cambridge MA 1992): first published in Sitzungsberichte dc:r heidelberger

Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1984.

6 CAH 3rd ed. II/ I (1973) pp. 633-638. For Bernal's hypothesis. see BA I, pp.88-98: BA II.

pp.361-408, and the critique of John E. Coleman in Black Athena Revisited pp. 181-288. The

argument that the Greek hiketides derives from "Hyksos" seems to assume that

the Hyksos called themselves by that name. The word means something like

"rulers of foreign lands," and it is no more likely that the "Hyksos" would apply

this Egyptian name to themselves than that a European or American in China

would refer to himself as a gwielo.

7 Orientalism (New York 1978).

8 BA I. xvii: p.185.

9 To be fair, it should be pointed out that "Orientalism" has another meaning

among prehistorians that is quite different: it describes the "model" of Montelius and V. Gordon Childe. which regarded the Orient as the catalyst for European civilization.

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 World War II notwithstanding. how much have classical scholars been

influenced by the Aryan myth which the Nazis developed, though

 they did not invent it? And finally there is the indictment by which Bernal updates the propaganda war of the thirties for reuse in the culture

wars of the nineties: that the classical culture which inspired the

Renaissance in Europe, and informed the art and literature of the Enlightenment

and the architecture of the Greek Revival is an unacknowledged

theft from black Africa.

              Here Bernal has a cautious foot in the camp of the late

 Cheikh Anta Diop of the University of Dakar.

whose The African Origin of Civilization: Myth or Reality is a favourite

text for African Studies in U.S. universities. Bernal has denied

that he is a disciple of Cheikh Anta Diop and has given a curious justification

for his title Black Athena: he did suggest it initially. but later

repented. only to have his publisher admonish him that "Blacks no

longer sell. Women no longer sell. But black women do sell."(11)

Black Athena deals far more with the anti-Semitism which Bernal

perceives in classical studies than with Africa. which. except for Egypt.

he largely ignores. but he seems to have made the shrewd. and

probably correct, judgement that classics professors would never require

his book for their courses purely on its intrinsic merits, and African

Studies programmes would ignore it.  Hence he positioned

his book with an astute eye on the market-place.

              Diop's doctrines provide light seasoning for Black Athena. Diop's reading of Egyptian

history has it that the Third and Fourth Dynasties of the Old Kingdom

were negro. and so too were the pharaohs of Upper Egypt in the Middle

and New Kingdoms. But the north was subject to invasion from

Asia whenever authority broke down: the white-skinned invaders

from Asia were supplemented by white slaves who added their genes

to the melting pot in the north, though throughout antiquity Egypt was

able to remain ethnically black. The efforts of the black twenty-fifth

dynasty to restore Egyptian greatness were overtaken by Assyrian

invasion and betrayal by Egypt's alien vassals. (12) As evidence of

Egypt's progressiveness. Diop points to Akhenaton. who conceived of

a universal god before Socrates. Plato or Zeno.(13) On the Hyksos. however,

Diop and Bernal part company. Bernal regards these Asian invaders. Bernal’s view

 of them is positive. Diop says that “ their barbarism was indescribable.”(14)

 ===========================================================

10 Tr. Mercer Cook (New York/Westport 1974).

II The Challenge of Black Athena (above. n. 4) 32.

12 Diop. The African Origin of Civilization. 2-4-223.

13 Diop. L'Afrique noire précoloniale (Paris 1960) 29-30.

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 The Asian catalyst in prehistoric Europe was once conventional wisdom.

Towards the end of the nineteenth century. archaeologists in the

English-speaking world accepted the view that development in prehistoric

Europe was stimulated by the diffusion of culture from the Near

East. 15 The great forebear of diffusionism was the Swedish archaeologist

Oscar Montelius. who pointed out, reasonably enough on the basis

of the evidence he had available, that the Orient. particularly the valleys

of the Tigris-Euphrates and the Nile rivers. had a flourishing culture

at a time when Europe was still in state of barbarism.(16) So it was

logical to argue that the arts of civilization moved from east to west. Exoriente Lux-, the title of one of his books,  became the slogan of Montelius' disciples,

though one of the more curious charges in Black Athena suggests that

it was a gibe invented by Montelius' enemies(17) Sir Arthur Evans

speculated that. at the beginning of the Early Minoan period. some

colonists from predynastic Egypt may have provided the catalyst for

the Minoan civilization.(18) Montelius in his last work pointed out that the

architect of the tholos tomb at Menidhi in Attica used a device to relieve

weight from the lintel block that can be duplicated in the Great

Pyramid of Khufu.(19) It would be hard to be more explicit than Margaret

Murray. a disciple of Sir Flinders Petrie. who wrote in 1949:

"Egypt was the Home-land of Science as we know it: it was passed on

to the Greeks who recorded it in writing and so gave it to the world. "20

From the end of the nineteenth century until the years immediately

following World War II. British prehistorians accepted the doctrine of

ex oriente lux as gospel

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

14 Diop. African Origin (above. n. 12) 208.

15 Bruce Trigger. "Alternative archaeologies: nationalist. colonialist. imperialist."

Man 19/3 (1984) 364-365.

16 Glyn Daniel and Colin Renfrew. The Idea of Prehistory (Edinburgh 1988)

55-56.

17 BAIl. 66.

18 The Palace of Minos at Knossos 1(1921) 13: 17.

19 La Grece preclassique I (Stockholm 1924) 158-160.

20 The Splendour That Was Egypt (London 1949): "Four Square" pbk. (1962) 20.

21 Trigger (above. n. 15) 364-365. On the diffusionist controversy. see Trigger.

Time and Traditions. Essays in Archaeological Interpretation (Edinburgh 1978)

216-228. and G. Elliott Smith. Bronislaw Malinowski. Herbert J. Spinden and Alex

Goldenweiser. Culture: The Diffusion Controversy (New York 1927) passim. The

phrase ex oriente lux could also be used by the Aryanists. since it was Sanskrit

literature which had led to the discovery of the Aryas: Jacques Barzun. Race. A

Study in Superstition (New York2 1965) 101-102.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 Bernal mentions with respect one of these who is disregarded

nowadays.(22). Sir Grafton Elliott Smith was born in Australia. where he

trained as a doctor. but his interest tended more to research. In 1900

he became professor of anatomy at the Government Medical School in

Cairo and fell in love with Egypt. He was convinced that it was the

cradle of civilization. It was there that homo sapiens sapiens made the

breakthroughs that became the "cultural capital"(23) of civilization: the

techniques of boat-building. masonry. mummification. irrigation and

so on, and from Egypt this "cultural capital" spread to Mesopotamia. to

India and southwestern Asia. through Micronesia and Polynesia across

the Pacific to the Americas.

 This was diffusionist doctrine with a

vengeance.  It rested upon the dogma that inventions were made only

once. and if "Culture Y" used technology which was much the same as

what "Culture X" had used at an earlier date. then "Culture Y" must

have acquired it from "Culture X." Contact between the two cultures

could be taken for granted. The opposing view was termed evolutionist.

and it allowed for independent breakthroughs by early societies

that were not in contact with each other.

               Grafton Smith's position was

Extreme, but the diffusionist hypothesis that he preached was by no

means absurd. It fell to another Australian. V. Gordon Childe. to

whom Bernal dedicates the second volume of Black Athena, to restate it

in reasonable terms which recognized that independent breakthroughs

could occur but nonetheless reiterated the doctrine of Montelius,

that the "cultural capital" of prehistoric Europe came from Egypt

and Mesopotamia(.24). Childe's hypothesis became accepted belief, particularly

in Britain, until it fell victim to nuclear physics. It was not

anti-Semitism that brought it down. Rather it was Carbon-14 dates.

              However. the opposition to the "ex oriente lux" school took on ugly

overtones in the 1930s, for it became associated with the Aryans: not

the Aryans of the linguists but the" Aryans" of Nazi propaganda. The

"Aryan Myth" of the Nazis, like the diffusionist doctrine. had nineteenth-

century roots. The eleventh edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

22 BA I, 270-272: BA II. 66-67.

23 The phrase comes from The Growth of Civilization by one of Smith's disciples.

W.J. Perry (New York 1923) I. On Elliott Smith. see Daniel and Renfrew

(above. n. 9) 79-88. Smith's contribution to Culture: The Diffusion Controversy

(above. n. 21) states his hypothesis succinctly.

24 See Childe. Progress and Archaeology (London 1944) 5~. On Childe's career.

see Peter Gathercole. "Childe in history," Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology

31 (1994) 25-52: Barbara McNairn. The Method and Theory of v: Gordon

Childe (Edinburgh, 1980)

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

nica. published before World War I, has a brief but substantial entry

under "Aryan" which quotes Max Muller. eminent mythographer and

Sanskrit scholar: "Aryans are those who speak the Aryan language.

whatever their clan. whatever their blood." and "Aryan" was a synonym

for the "Indo-European" or "Indo-Germanic" family of languages.

(25) The thirteenth edition of the Britannica (1922) omits the

entry. but the fifteenth edition (1974) includes it again: the term

"Aryan" now; we are told. belongs only to linguistics. But the article

finds room to add that in the nineteenth century Comte Joseph Arthur

de Gobineau. followed later by Houston Stewart Chamberlain. had

propagated the notion that there was an Aryan race. endowed with

leadership qualities which Semites and non-whites lacked. and this notion

was taken up and developed by Hitler and the Nazi Party.

              The Aryan mirage in European prehistory antedates the Nazis.

however. Its apostle was Gustav Kossina. whose Die deutsche Vorgeschichte

was first published in 1912. A quotation from Holderlin

beginning "0 heilig Herz der Volker. 0 Vaterland'" introduces his

preface. Pushing Montelius' dates earlier in time. he made northern

Europe and its inhabitants. the Aryans. the forebears of European

prehistory. He rejected outright the Phoenician origin of the alphabet.

(26). Kossina was an able practitioner of archaeology. and before the

Nazi ideologues appropriated his ideas, he attracted followers outside

Germany. Even Gordon Childe produced a book titled The Aryans in

1926. where he too accepted the proposition that the Aryans were the

founders of western civilization. It was a view he rapidly abandoned

as he realized the uses to which the "Aryan myth" was put.

             

              Kossina died in 1931; imbued in Teutonic romantic nationalism though he was.

it remains uncertain whether he would have entirely welcomed the

Nazi embrace. But the preface to the seventh edition of Die deutsche

Vorgeschichte (1936) quotes Hitler's speech in Karlsruhe on 5 December

1934. where he claimed that German civilization antedated Rome's

foundation by a thousand years. We owe nothing, Hitler asserted, to the

Greeks or the Romans or the Gauls or the Britons .... The roots of Hitler's

thousand-year-old Reich were Kossina's assemblages of prehistoric

artifacts.

              World War II discredited the Aryan mirage. and until Bernal resurrected

it ,"Aryan" subsisted as a label for skin-heads and neo-Nazis.

The diffusionist model which made the valleys of the Nile and

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

25 This represents Miiller's position at the end of his career. Earlier he had

implied an identity between the "Aryan" language and race. and his late retraction

had little effect on the Aryan-believers: Barzun (above. n. 21) 101-102.

 

26 Die deutsche Vorgeschichte, Leipzig 1941) pp.12-13.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 Tigriis-Euphrates the cradles of civilization was generally accepted. The

revised edition of Childe's What Happened in History gave Mesopotamia

priority: it provided the catalyst for Egypt. "However indirectly,

Sumerian ideas were surely influencing Upper Egypt: Nilotic

barbarism was being fertilized by contact with Mesopotamian civilization."

Childe wrote,(27) and he refers in passing to the legend of conquest

by the "followers of Horus" which other Egyptologists

developed into an hypothesis of an invasion of Egypt by a dynastic

race from the Persian Gulf. Frank Yurco and Kathryn Bard both deal

briefly in Black Athena Revisited with the "dynastic race" theory

which began with Flinders Petrie and was surely a manifestation of

diffusionism rather than the" Aryan Model." as Yurco and Bard seem

to believe: the evidence now indicates that the culture of the Nile Valley

was developed by an indigenous people with physical resemblances

to the people of the northern Sudan, but differing from those

of Anatolia, the Near East and sub-Saharan Africa.

              But the priority of the Afroasiatic world remained historical dogma until the first radiocarbon

dates showed that agriculture in Anatolia. the Levant and the

Danube region was earlier than archaeologists had believed, and that

neolithic Egypt was relatively backward. Tree-ring calibration of the

radiocarbon dates only increased skepticism for Childe's diffusionist

model. The earliest stone buildings in the Mediterranean region are

not, it turned out, in Egypt, but on Malta. The west European Bronze

Age is older than anyone imagined. and its debt to the Aegean world

is less.(28) "Evolutionism" (Bernal prefers the label "isolationism"(29),

which argues for a model that allows for independent technological

breakthroughs, has emerged again as a respectable theory. and the

Aryans, like Lazarus, have risen from the graveyard of discarded

hypotheses in a book by Cambridge professor Colin Renfrew, an

"Ultra-Europeanist" according to Bernal's labelling.(30) Black Athena is

an attempt to breath new life into a model which commanded the

imagination of prehistorians longer than he claims, and collapsed only

in the face of new evidence supplied by nuclear physics.

Bernal's outline of the plot is this. The ancient Greeks saw their

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

27 Gordon Childe. What Happened in History. Rev. ed. (Harmondsworth 1954).

p. 113·

28 See Colin Renfrew. Before Civilization (London 1972) passim: see also 1.A.S.

Evans. "Redating prehistory in Europe." Archaeology 30 (1977) 1'6-85: and "How

radiocarbon dating has revolutionized our ideas about prehistory." Science Forum

10/3 (1977) 30-32·

29 BA II, pp. .64-67

30 BA ll. p. I5.

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own prehistory within "a framework that I believe can usefully be

called 'The Ancient Model.' "(31) This model posited a Phoenician and

Egyptian settlement in Greece in the second millennium B.C. This

model continued to be accepted without much question until the eighteenth-

century Enlightenment, though for reasons of "cultural pride"

the ancient Greeks themselves played down their debt to the East.J2

But by the mid-nineteenth century a new hypothesis appeared which

posited an invasion from the north analogous to the conquest of India

by people who called themselves "Aryas." This new "Aryan Model"

took two forms. the "Broad" and the "Extreme." The "Broads" accepted

Phoenician influence on Greece but denied a place to the Egyptians.

The "Extremes" eliminated the Phoenicians as well.

              The villains of the piece. the intellectual forebears of Gustav Kossina and his ilk.

were F.A. Wolf and. in particular. Karl Otfried Muller.(33) whom Bernal

calls a "founder of modern classics" and fingers as the person who

overthrew the "Ancient Model." But Julius Beloch, Reinach. J. B. Bury

and, last but by no means least, Rhys Carpenter all contributed coffin

nails. Carpenter diminished the Semitic contribution by lowering the

date when the Greeks acquired their alphabet to 720 B.C. He also said

"unpleasant" things about the Semitic alphabet. such as that the Semitic

"Z" was "low and squat with a slanting bar." and that the "H" had two

instead of three bars "and these are slanting"(!34).  Routed by this unpleasantness,

the champions of the orientalizing view left the academic

battlefield.

              Black Athena Revisited is Bernal's confrontation with the experts.

who examine his theories in the light of their erudition in their own

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

31 Martin Bernal. Cadmean Letters. The Transmission of the Alphabet to the

Aegean and Further West before 1400 B.C (Winona Lake 1990) p. 6.

32. BA I, p. 84.

33 For a corrective to Bernal's handling of MUller and Wolf. see Josine H. Blok.

"Proof and persuasion in Black Athena: The case of K.G. Muller." ]HI 57 (1996)

705-724. The romantic love affair with Greece which developed in the nineteenth

century can, in fact, be dated to the publication of Joachim Winckelmann's

Gedanken uber die Nachahmung der Griechen in der Malerei and Bildhauerkunst

(Dresden 1755). Before that, Lord Chesterfield expressed the conventional wisdom

when he wrote in 1751 to Lord Huntingdon. "The broken pyramids and ruined

temples [of Egypt and Greece] are below your attention" (quoted from G. Bagnani,

"Winckelmann and the second Renascence. 1755-1955." AJA 59 [I955] pp. 107-118).

As the passion for Greece grew. esteem of Egypt as a source of ancient wisdom

declined. but at the same time. after Napoleon's expedition opened the country to

western savants. respect for Egyptian technological expertise increased and has

remained high even though Carbon-14 dating has revised views of Mediterranean

prehistory.

34 Cadmean Letters (above. n. 31) 3-4:  cf. BA I pp. 1-3.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 fields. Bernal comes off poorly. but the experts are not by any means

totally unsympathetic. Bernal's reading is vast. In only one sphere

does he appear incompetent. and that is linguistics. His command of

various languages is impressive. but his linguistic method is inconsistent

and impressionist: if a Greek word appears to sound like one in

Egyptian or in a Semitic language, then it must be a borrowing. even

if the words in question have quite different meanings.

               Bernal is not above assigning his own glosses to Greek words: Jay H. Jasonoff and

Alan Nussbaum ("Word Games: The Linguistic Evidence in Black

Athena") point out that he glosses Greek kudos as "divine glory"

rather than "renown" in order to connect it with the Semitic root

meaning "sacred"; the derivation of the Greek word for chariot

(harma) from the Semitic root for "net" is made more plausible by

assigning it the additional meaning "tackle." and the Greek ker is

given the meaning "soul" in order to derive it from the Egyptian ka

(k). "soul" or "spiritual companion." Lawrence A. Tritle in a later essay

in this book remarks on another oddity of Bernal's method here:

he uses late Greek and Coptic inscriptions to elucidate the derivation of

ker from ka. leaping over the millennia with insouciant abandon.

              More damaging is the criticism of Bernal's methods: he has ignored the developments

in linguistic science of the last hundred years. and uses

much the same methods as the learned Jesuit in early eighteenth-century

Quebec. Fr. J.-F. Lafitau. who connected the Iroquoian of the

Kahnawake Reserve at Montreal with Hebrew. with results no less plausible

than Bernal's. Bernal has not discovered "hundreds" of

Greek-Egyptian and Greek-Semitic etymologies. as he claims. The

opinion of Jasonoff and Nussbaum is that he has uncovered no

etymology that was not already known. Moreover. as Tritle points out.

Bernal has failed utterly to exploit the most convincing method of

proving Greek linguistic borrowing from Egyptian. which is to demonstrate

parallelisms in grammatical structure.

              Edith Hall's contribution. "When is a Myth not a Myth? Bernal's

'Ancient Model,'" is a cautionary essay which examines the central doctrine

of Black Athena: that the ancient Greeks regarded their own civilization

as an offshoot of Egypt and the Levant. and that this" Ancient

Model" survived until it was overthrown by the" Aryan Model" in the

late eighteenth and nineteenth century. For evidence Bernal points to

Greek mythology, specifically the myths of Cadmus the Phoenician.

the founder of Thebes, the story of the Danaids. which he connects

with a Hyksos invasion of Greece, and of Europa, daughter of Phoinix,

which he glosses as "the Phoenician." But myths change and develop to

remain relevant to the contemporary world. Variant renditions jostled

each other off the stage. There was no authorized version. Bernal's

"Ancient Model" had a rival in the "Pelasgian theory." which claimed

that the Greek aborigines were Pelasgians, speakers of a non-Greek

language. according to Herodotus (1.57). who asserted that the Athenians

were Pelasgian by origin.(35)  Hall's message is that myths change

according to time. place and climate of opinion. and historians who

would use them must be sensitive to the mentality that produced them.

Paul Veyne's Did the Greeks Believe in their Myths? does not appear

in Bernal's bibliography. It should.

              Tritle's essay "Vision or Dream of Greek Origins?" includes a brief

section. with photographs, on the hilltop "Tomb of Amphion and

Zethus" outside Thebes; Theodore Spyropoulos(36) excavated this in 1971

and reported a mini-stepped pyramid with a tomb on top. which he

compared to the Dynasty III pyramid of Djoser at Saqqara. and conjectured

that the "Minyans" who drained Lake Copais were Egyptians,

whom he, like Grafton Smith. considered irrigation experts. Bernal

recognizes this as important evidence for his thesis. The "pyramid"

that Spyropoulos published does look like a mastaba surmounted by a

much smaller mastaba to make a mini-stepped pyramid, but as far as I

know, no mastaba ever served as the platform for a tomb. Tritle. who

visited the site in 1993, claims that the hill of Amphion and Zethus is

simply a tumulus-style mound of the sort that is common in Greece.

and compares it to the more impressive tumulus tombs at Cerveteri in

Italy.

              Yet one should not be too skeptical. The draining of Lake Copais

required technical skill that may have been imported from Egypt.

where the pharaohs of Dynasty XII partially drained the Fayum in a

similar engineering feat. But conditions for irrigation in Egypt were

unique. The Fayum could be drained simply by manipulating the

flow of water through the Bahr Yusuf from the Nile. Greece had no

Nile river with its regular floods, and I suspect that the Minyans might

have found more versatile irrigation experts in the Tigris-Euphrates

valley. The "Tomb of Amphion and Zethus" looks more like a

mini-ziggurat than a pyramid, but the only mini-ziggurat surmounted

by a tomb that I know is the tomb of Cyrus at Pasargdae. which is far

too late to provide an exemplar. But its design may have drawn on

earlier models. One suspects that Tritle has discarded Spyropoulos'

hypothesis too hastily because Bernal pounced on it as evidence for his

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

35 Bernal (BA I. pp. 75-83)

attempts to fit the Pelasgians into his "Revised Ancient

Model" but finds Herodotus' asseveration that they spoke a non-Greek language

difficult to explain.

36 "Aigyptiakos epioikismos en Boiotia." AAA 5/1 (1972) 16-26: cf. BA II, pp.128-.

135

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Egyptian connection. for on the whole Tritle's contribution is solid and

well researched.

              Neither space nor. for that matter. my own abilities will permit a

full overview of all the essays in this volume. Frank Yurco approaches

Black Athena as an Egyptologist. Like Tritle. he doubts a Hyksos empire

that extended into Greece, though he notes the recent discovery of

Minoan frescoes of bull-leapers at Tell el-Dab·a. ancient Avaris. the

Hyksos capital. This, at least, shows that Cretan artists worked in

Egypt., whether as itinerant craftsmen or as captive slaves. Sarah P.

Morris. in her contribution "The Legacy of Black Athena." notes that

these bull-leaper fragments were found in a disturbed context.  The

dominant culture at Avaris was Canaanite, as it also is at Tell Kabri in

northern Israel where fragments of Minoan-style frescoes have also

been found. It is no surprise to find  Minoan influence in ancient Canaan.

              Robert Palter contributes two essays. The first is on Egyptian science

where he defends Otto Neugebauer against Bernal and argues

that Egyptian mathematics never reached the level of the Babylonians,

much less the Greeks. and that they never invented mathematical astronomy

at all. The second titled, "Eighteenth-Century Historiography

in Black Athena”, deals with an area where Bernal has escaped serious

criticism.  His technique has been to skip through the fields of

history, snipping off a quotation here and an inference there,

which he then arranges into a pattern of increasing hostility to Egypt.

              Emily Vermeule. in her "The World Turned Upside Down." reacts to

Black Athena as an archaeologist. Bernal is an eclectic "archaeologist"

who has skimmed archaeological literature to find evidence he likes

but declines to allow lack of documentation to crimp his conceptual

model. How do we know that the shaft graves at Mycenae were Hyksos

burials? Vermeule wants to know. Bernal rises above such questions.

for to expect archaeological science to provide the evidence to answer her question is to

commit the sin of "positivism." It fits Bernal's "Revised Ancient

Model" to have Hyksos king s buried at Mycenae.

              Frank Snowden Jr.'s "Bernal's 'Blacks' and the Afrocentrists" is a

scholarly essay on negroes in the world of ancient Greece, written by

an expert on the subject. He deals briefly with Herodotus 2.104, a favourite

gobbet of what W.K. Pritchett(37) calls "The Liar School" of

Herodotean studies.  The historian reports that the Egyptians had

dark skins and curly hair like the Colchians whom he considered to be

Egyptian settlers left at the eastern end of the Black Sea by the campaigns

of Sesostris. Egyptians do, in fact. have curly hair and darker

skins than the Greeks. and in modern Georgia there are still, I 

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

37 The Liar School of Herodotos (Amsterdam, 1993, pp. 12-16; cf.  Detlev Fehling.

Herodotus and his Sources (Leeds 1989> 17-21.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 belive some remnants of the swarthy Colchians. Snowden concludes

that it is unacceptable to use "black," "Egyptian" and "African" as

synonyms of "blacks/Negroes in the modern sense." Yet. should anyone

wish to believe that Eurybates. the broad-shouldered, swarthy,

curly-haired herald whom Odysseus greatly esteemed (Od. 19.246).

owed his genetic code to Africa, nihil obstat. Richard Jenkyns deals

briefly with Egypt in the imagination of the nineteenth century. and

Guy MacLean Rogers' "Multiculturalism and the Foundations of Western

Civilization" is partly a defense of George Grote against Bernal's

charge of anti-Semitism, and partly a note on Bernal's purblind vision

of the contributions of ancient Mesopotamia and Babylon. He is kind

enough not to suggest that while black women sell, as Bernal's publisher

reminded him, the Gulf War has jinxed sales of any book crediting

Greek culture to ancient Iraq for the immediate future.

              Bernal's reading is wide and his views challenging. There is no

doubt that classicists should look at their fields of research in a multicultural

context. and in Late Antiquity that has already happened.

Moreover. Bernal has thrust classics into the mainstream media. for

which he deserves thanks. I have met persons for whom classical studies

used to mean only the half-forgotten declension of puella, who now

think that the field has something to offer the contemporary Weltanschauung.

              But Bernal's method is disturbing. First. he seems to assume

that cultures are like computer software programmes: they are copyright

and can be stolen. Behind this idea there seems to lurk the concept

of pure" Ur-cultures" which ethnic groups can claim as their

property. Second. it appears that what is important about a "culture" is

its roots rather than its ultimate development. as if the proper way to

study modern United States culture were in terms of a "theft" from

Britain which took place in the colonial period. Third. he applies

"models" to intellectual history, and armed with them makes a Cook's

Tour through scholarship of the last three centuries. snipping segments

of ideas with authors’ names attached, that can be fitted into his preconceived

models. Finally. he has revived the last century's vocabulary of

racism. Examples of "Orientalism" in Edward Said's sense of the term

are labelled "anti-Semitism," and as for Houston Stewart Chamberlain(38), though he

may have used "Semite" in its broader sense. and even considered

the Jews the best of the Semites. the fact is that in this century at

least "anti-Semitic" has meant simply "anti-Jewish."

              The term "Aryan"is assigned a broader meaning than even the Nazis gave it. "Aryas"

(the noun) and "Aryan" (the adjective) were labels which the

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

38 Foundations of the Nineteenth Century. tr. John Lees (London/New York

1912) 116.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 Indo-European speakers who invaded India and Iran gave to themselves.

but as far as I know. no other ancient Indo-Europeans used the

term. It is time to be more careful about our usage. To be sure, the age

that began with the American and French Revolutions released a

heady mix of nationalism, imperialism and romanticism, and a new

variety of racism to accompany them, but we need not be subservient

to the tyranny of past "isms." The Aryan people are the Iranians and

Hindi-speaking Indians. No one else.

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

              Mary Lefkowitz's award-winning Not Out of Africa(39) falls into five

main sections. In the first of them she metes out rough treatment to

some of the "myths" peddled by Africanists. Was Socrates black? What

about Hannibal, Aesop and the Roman playwright Terence? Was

Cleopatra black? This last question is worth a second look. Lefkowitz

takes issue with Shelley P. Haley. a black professor of classics at Hamilton

College. whose essay "Black Feminist Thought and the Classics:

Re-membering, Re-claiming, Re-empowering" appeared in an anthology

on feminist theory and the classics(40).  Haley relates that her

grandmother told her. "Remember. no matter what you hear in

school, Cleopatra was black." We should recall the context. Haley's

grandmother lived at a time when a drop of negro blood made a person

black. She was the product of a melting pot which had West African.

Caucasian and Iroquois genes in its genetic mix, but she was

considered black. Cleopatra VI, had she been living in Washington.

D.C. in the late 1940S. might have had to sit at the back of the bus even

though the line of her ascendants went back to Macedonia. Lefkowitz

assembles the evidence against the black Cleopatra theory with scholarly

precision. Yet it will make no difference, for Haley is presenting

history as her grandmother perceived it. and as others have. too.

whose number may include Shakespeare and. as Afrocentrist J. H.

Clarke(41) has pointed out. Believe It or Not (Ripley).

              Yet Haley's description of how the black Cleopatra hypothesis won

her as a convert is a fascinating exercise in logic. Cleopatra's father.

Ptolemy Auletes. was illegitimate. Who was his mother? Haley seems

to consider this a question never voiced by white male classicists. But

in the first edition of the Cambridge Ancient History, Martin Charlesworth

called Cleopatra half-Macedonian and half-Greek "with a

slight tinge of Iranian," and in a footnote he speculated that in view of

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------

39 .Not Out ofAfrica has been selected for the Peter Shaw award from the National

Association of Scholars.

40. Nancy Sorkin Rabinowitz and Amy Richlin. Feminist Theory and the

Oasssics (New York/London 1993) pp. 23-43·

41  Quoted by Snowden in Black Athena Revisited p. 120.

 

the peregrinations of Cleopatra's grandfather, Ptolemy IX Lathyrus,

his mistress might have been Syrian(42).  But for Haley, Cleopatra's unknown

grandmother could have been black by the standards which

put her own grandmother at the back of the bus, and that must be

admitted. Since the hypothesis is not impossible, her logic leads her to

the conclusion that it is probable, and finally, that the African oral tradition

which her mother transmitted to her was right.

               Houston Stewart Chamberlain once upon a time used a similar logical progression to

show that Jesus was of Aryan stock.(43).  It went like this: when Christ was

born in Galilee, it was populated by a mixed ethnic stock, and so it is

possible that some pure Aryan blood had been transplanted there. The

possibility rapidly developed into a probability, which matured in a

few paragraphs of prose until, a page or so later, the probability "that

Christ had not a drop of genuinely Jewish blood in his veins is so great

that it is almost equivalent to a certainty." Logic of this sort mixes perception

with prejudice, and transmutes the product into historical fact.

              It is a dangerous procedure. White classicists who three generations

ago used to accept the "fair-haired Achaeans" as beyond dispute

should not be too quick to throw stones at "black Cleopatra" or "black

Socrates" assertions, but they are right to dissent, firmly, publicly, but

with understanding and courtesy.

              Lefkowitz deals next with ancient myths of cultural borrowing.

Afrocentrists who argue for massive infusion from ancient Egypt into

the culture of ancient Greece can point to the second book of Herodotus'

Histories and the first book of Diodorus for proof. Herodotus'

later reputation for mendacity was based in part on his account of

Egypt, which has inspired a succession of attacks that stretch from Manetho

to Detlev Fehling. The Dynasty XXVI Saite pharaohs saw to the

training of professional interpreters who served as "Intourist guides"

for Greek visitors and immigrants whom the Egyptians disdained, but

also needed as mercenaries and traders, and possibly they "dumbed

down" their information to tailor it to the Greek mentality.

Why did Herodotus (2.50.1) relate that the names of nearly all the

Greek gods came from Egypt? The simplest answer, which neither

Bernal nor Lefkowitz gives, is that Herodotus himself knew only Greek names

for most of the gods of Egypt, and since Egypt's antiquity was beyond

doubt, it followed that these gods were discovered there. Herodotus

knew the warrior goddess of Sais, Neit, the mother of the crocodile

god Sobek, only by the name “Athena”. No Egyptian told him, "But we call her Neit,"

let alone hinted that she was not a virgin.

=======================================================================

42 Reprinted with the title From Republic to Empire (New York 1996) 45.

43 Chamberlain (above. n. 38) 174-250

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 At the same time. it appears that the Greeks regarded Egypt as an

excellent "finishing school" for their savants. Lefkowitz argues that the

Egyptian priests. conscious of Egypt's decline. were eager to present

themselves as the teachers of the Greeks. and no doubt that is true. but

the Greeks themselves were willing to accept the same view. One reason

was the persona cultivated by the early Greek philosophers. which

Louis Gernet described in a half-forgotten essay.(44) Philosophers were

professional intellectuals whose dress and demeanour bespoke their

calling. and in Egypt, there were in the temples whole communities of

apparently similar "intellectuals" whose shaved heads and white linen

garments marked them off as votaries of wisdom. Moreover. these

temples had libraries. It is hard for us to recapture the sense of awe

with which Herodotus must have listened to the hierogrammateus(45) of

the temple of Neit. the keeper of its book collection. as he gave him a

potted history of Egypt while consulting a scroll which may have contained

a king list like the Turin Canon. By contrast, Greece's earliest written record

seems to have been the homicide law of Drakon! The Ptolemaic

temple of Horus at Edfu had its catalogue inscribed on the walls of its

library room(46) and the books it once contained seem far removed

from Greek philosophy. But it must have seemed extraordinary even

to a Greek of the Ptolemaic period. much more one of the fifth century

B.c., that temples had libraries at all.

              Lefkowitz's last two topics are the "Egyptian mystery system" and

the myth of the "Stolen Legacy." The myth of "mystical Egypt" has its

roots in Freemasonry. which in turn borrowed from "Thrice-Great

Hermes" and Horapollo. the first of whom was particularly influential

in the Renaissance: Giordano Bruno (1548-1600) was burned at the

stake for preaching Hermeticism. The connection between Hermeticism

and education was made in the eighteenth century in a

three-volume fictional account by Abbe Jean Terrasson: Sethos: A History

or Biography based on Unpublished Memoirs of Ancient Egypt.

The idea germinated in a number of intellectual byways, particularly

Freemasonry. until it flowed into the mainstream of Africanist studies

with the "Stolen Legacy" doctrine,which is expounded in a little book

published first in 1954 and ignored by all classical scholars: George G.

M. James' Stolen Legacy: Greek Philosophy is Stolen from Egyptian Philosophy.(47)

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44 Cf. The Anthropology of Ancient Greece. tr. John Hamilton and Blaise Nagy

(Baltimore 1981) 352-364.

45 On the duties of the hierogrammateus, see J.A.S. Evans. "A social and economic

history of an Egyptian temple in the Greco-Roman period," YC5 17 (1961), pp.

190 - 191.

46 Garth Fowden. The Egyptian Hermes (Cambridge 1986) 57-59.

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              James. whose Stolen Legacy appeared in 1954. as the Civil Rights

movement in the United States was getting under way. announces a

noble purpose: "The aim of this book is to establish better race relations

in the world. by revealing a fundamental truth concerning the

contribution of the African continent to civilization." He argues that

Aristotle with the help of Alexander the Great plundered the royal

libraries and temples of Egypt. notably the Royal Library of Alexandria.

which Aristotle's school turned into a research centre. Yet the

temples and their schools survived as centres of the Egyptian mysteries

until the emperor Justinian closed them, and the philosophy for

which the Greeks claim the credit was appropriated from them.

              James' sources are mainly secondary. some of them undergraduate textbooks.

and his book is not serious history. Even Bernal, who esteems it. does

not praise its accuracy. But he devotes three chapters to Hermes Trismegistus

and the influence of Hermetic literature. with which

Lefkowitz takes issue. Isaac Casaubon in 1614 dated the corpus of

Hermetic texts to the late first century A.D.. and his arguments are

still sound.(48). But the question of how much they owe to Egyptian tradition,

and how much to Greek speculation remains open. Bernal uses the

rise and fall of esteem for Hermetic literature since the Renaissance as

a barometer of hostility towards Egypt, which is unfair. for what has

driven scholarly evaluation of it has been the increase in our knowledge

about ancient Egypt over the past two hundred years. The

re-evaluation continues: prior to World War II. the scholarly verdict

was that these texts reflected Greek thought. and Egyptian input was

confined to the "spirit and temper of the writers."(49) But the discovery

of a cache of Coptic texts at Nag Hammadi has broadened our understanding.

and now Prof. Jean-Pierre Mahe(50) argues for a much greater

contribution from Egyptian religious literature. Neither Bernal nor

Lefkowitz mentions the work being done at the Universite Laval on

the Nag Hammadi texts.

              In a valuable chapter titled "The Myth of the Stolen Legacy"

Lefkowitz traces the stemma of this idea. through Masonic literature

and the black Masonic lodges to the black writers of the U.S. Recon-

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47 Repr. Trenton. N.J. 1992.

48 Fowden (above. n. 46) xiii-xvii.

49 Walter Scott. ed. and tr.. Hermetica. The Ancient Greek and Latin Writings

Which Contain Religious or Philosophic Teaching Ascribed to Hermes Trismegistus

(London 1924. repro Boulder 1982) 10-1 I.

50 Hermes en haute Egypte: Les textes hermetiques de Nag Hammadi et leurs

paralleles grecs et latines (Quebec 1978).

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struction period and later. The former slave Frederick Douglass noted

that the ancient Egyptians had skins as dark as many who were considered

genuine negroes in the United States. W.E.B. DuBois accepted

the same view. and Marcus Mosiah Garvey. probably the most important

black leader in the United States before the Civil Rights Movement.

went further: ancient Egypt became a black utopia where

Europe did not merely find the roots of her civilization. she filched it.

This was a fact which white people were at pains to keep secret from

blacks. With James' Stolen Legacy we get a developed account of the

conspiracy. Alexander the Great looted the library he found at Alexandria. Never mind that the library was founded by Ptolemy II Philadelphus long after Alexander’s death.

Then the "School of Aristotle" moved to Egypt from Athens

and converted this library first into a research centre, then a university

and finally a repository of the knowledge the students gained

from their research,and the oral instruction they received from the

Egyptian priests. But before that. the pharaoh Amasis had opened

Egypt to the Greeks with the foundation of Naukratis. and after him

the Persian conquest threw open all Egypt to Greek scholars. Without

Egypt, Greek philosophy would never have amounted to anything.

for the Greeks had limited intellectual capacity.

              Lefkowitz's concluding chapter is recommended reading. She realizes

that there must be room for multiple viewpoints in any university

community and that the ancient historian needs to ask the question

"What is history?" more frequently. But we can. perhaps. define the

parameters of legitimate academic debate. Hypotheses should be supported

by evidence before they become anything more than suppositions.

History courses may. as a by-product. empower certain groups

in society. but that should not be their aim. and never their sole aim.

Innuendo. a weapon in Bernal's arsenal, and personal attacks never

destroy a good argument. but they reveal a totalitarian mindset which

is the enemy of a free society. Lefkowitz pleads for academics who

teach rather than indoctrinate.

              However. one may wonder what the fuss is all about. My oId  high-

school ancient history textbook recognized Egypt as the cradle of civilization

long before Black Athena. and it added some complimentary

remarks about ancient Mesopotamia, which Bernal neglects. Bernal's

conspiracy lacks a plot. Yet I read James' Stolen Legacy with a sense of

sadness. for it is a black man's appeal for respect for his people. and at

the same time a back-handed compliment to the classical tradition

which he valued enough that he wanted an African contribution to it

recognized. At the same time. when all is said. what Classical Studies

needed was not Black Athena but a well-researched book on the effect

 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

51. James (above. n. 47) 1-6; 41-53: 139-155.

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of "Orientalism," as defined by Edward Said, upon classical studies

and how it has shaped the mentalities of intellectuals since the Renaissance.

Bernal's anti-Semitic model would be a distorting mirror for

such a study, for Byzantium was the paradigm of Orientalism for Edward

Gibbon,(52) and for Aristotle it was the Persians, whose claim to be

"Aryas" is indisputable. Orientalism infected the Enlightenment: Gibbon

learned from Montesquieu, and a couple of generations of Americans

of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries learned it from

the popular histories of the French Jansenist Charles Rollin.(53) There is

also a place for a book on how the classics have influenced modern

attitudes towards blacks, and while we are at it, towards the native

Indians as well. In the United States there have always been two

melting pots and the one that produces black persons has a greater

native component than its larger counterpart that produces whites. In Canada there have been two melting pots, one English-Scottish and the other French. There is also a new Indigenous melting pot which will have an interesting future.

              Bernal, for all his learning, gives the impression that he is still fighting

theories concocted by Alfred Rosenberg which suffered a mortal

blow with the defeat of the Nazis. Let them die.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

52 Cf. J.A.S. Evans, "The shadow of Edward Gibbon," in Paul Fritz and David

Williams, ed., City and Society in the Eightenth Century (Toronto 1973, pp. 248-249. Orientalism

in the eighteenth century was coupled with effeminacy and decay. To the

modern reader, it is curious how gender-specific decay was!

53 Carl J. Richard, The Founders and the Classics. Greece, Rome and the

American Enlightenment (Cambridge MA 1994